Best 125 quotes in «french revolution quotes» category

Abroad? Oh no. I went to England in ’91, and you stood in the garden at Fontenay and berated me.” He shook his head. “This is my nation. Here I stay. A man can’t carry his country on the soles of his shoes.

Accanto a questi uomini di passione stavano i sognatori. L'utopia fioriva in tutte le sue forme, da quella bellicosa che giustificava il patibolo, a quella innocente che sosteneva l'abolizione della pena di morte. Spettri per i troni, angeli per il popolo. In faccia a uomini di lotta, spiriti che maturano sogni. Gli uni pensano alla guerra, gli altri invocano la pace; un cervello, Carnot, crea quattro armate; un altro, Jean Derby, medita una federazione democratica universale. […] altri si occupavano di questioni di minor conto e di maggior praticità. Gyuton-Morveau studiava misure per migliorare l'attrezzatura negli ospedali, Maire l'abolizione delle servitù reali, Jean-Bon-Saint-André la soppressione delle pene restrittive per debiti e la detenzione costrittiva. […] L'arte contava fanatici e anche monomaniaci; il 21 gennaio, mentre la testa di un re cadeva sulla piazza della Rivoluzione, Bézard correva ad ammirare una testa dipinta da Rubens, quadro scoperto in un solaio di rue Saint-Lazare. Artisti, orafi, profeti, colossi come Danton e fanciulli come Cloots, gladiatori e filosofi, tutti aspiravano a una sola conquista, quella del progresso. Nulla li intiepidiva. La vera grandezza della Convenzione fu di ricreare il reale nell'impossibile. Agli estremi, Robespierre, fanatico del Diritto e Condorcet, fanatico del dovere.

92, '93, '94. Liberty, Equality, Fraternity or Death.

8 April 1891 The obscenity of nostrils and mouths; the ignominious cupidity of smiles and women encountered in the street; the shifty baseness on every side, as of hyenas and wild beasts ready to bite: tradesmen in their shops and strollers on their pavements. How long must I suffer this? I have suffered it before, as a child, when, descending by chance to the servant's quarters, I overheard in astonishment their vile gossip, tearing up my own kind with their lovely teeth. This hostility to the entire race, this muted detestation of lynxes in human form, I must have rediscovered it later while at school. I had a repugnance and horror for all base instincts, but am I not myself instinctively violent and lewd, murderous and sensual? Am I any different, in essence, from the members of the riotous and murderous mob of a hundred years ago, who hurled the town sergeants into the Seine and cried, 'String up the aristos!' just as they shout 'Down with the army!' or 'Death to the Jews!

...and I sometimes think that the fading out of the individual personality is what one should desire, not the status of a hero—a sort of effacement of oneself from history. The entire record of the human race has been falsified, it has been made up by bad governments to suit themselves, by kings and tyrants to make them look good. This idea of history as made by great men is quite nonsensical, when you look at it from the point of view of the people. The real heroes are those who have resisted tyrants, and it is in the nature of tyranny not only to kill those who oppose it but to wipe their names out of the record, to obliterate them, so that resistance seems impossible.

And Louis is weak. Let him give an inch, and some Cromwell will appear.

All in all, French armies wrought much suffering in Europe, but they also radically changed the lay of the land. In much of Europe, gone were feudal relations; the power of the guilds; the absolutist control of monarchs and princes; the grip of the clergy on economic, social, and political power; and the foundation of ancien régime, which treated different people unequally based on their birth status. These changes created the type of inclusive economic institutions that would then allow industrialization to take root in these places. By the middle of the nineteenth century, industrialization was rapidly under way in almost all the places that the French controlled, whereas places such as Austria-Hungary and Russia, which the French did not conquer, or Poland and Spain, where French hold was temporary and limited, were still largely stagnant.

Anche i vini più generosi contengono la feccia. Più in basso ancora della Pianura, la Palude. Schifosa acqua stagnante che lascia trasparire l'egoismo sfrenato. Nella Palude battevano i denti i candidati dell'eterna paura. Nulla di più miserabile. Presente l'obbrobio, assente la vergogna, latente la collera, servile ogni spirito di ribellione. Preda dello spavento mostrava cinicamente solo il coraggio della vigliaccheria, preferivano la Gironda ma seguivano la Montagna, erano di quegli arbitri che si riversano nella maggioranza; consegnavano Luigi XVI a Verginaud e Verginaud a Danton, Danton a Robespierre e Robespierre a Tallien. Imprecavano a Marat vivo e divinizzavano Marta morto. Erano favorevoli a tutto e a tutti, finché non abbattevano ogni cosa. Palesavano l'istinto di voler schiantare ciò che sta per cadere.

An essential difference between the American and French revolutions was that the American version allowed a search for many truths, while French zealots tried to impose a single sacred truth that allowed no deviation. " page 714

A sensibility that wails almost exclusively over the enemies of liberty seems suspect to me. Stop shaking the tyrant's bloody robe in my face, or I will believe that you wish to put Rome in chains.

As long as he has for refrain nothing but la Carmagnole, he only overthrows Louis XVI.; make him sing the Marseillaise, and he will free the world.

An inexorable law strikes and directs societies and civilisations. When, for lack of vitality, the past collapses, clinging to it serves no purpose — and yet it is this attachment to antiquated forms of life, to lost or bad causes, that makes so touching the anathemas of a de Maistre or a Bonald. Everything seems admirable and everything is false in the utopian vision; everything is execrable and everything seems true in the observations of the reactionaries.

At the top of the Queen’s Staircase at the Tuileries, there is a series of communicating chambers, crowded every day with clerks, secretaries, messengers, with army officers and purveyors, officials of the Commune and officers of the courts: with government couriers, booted and spurred, waiting for dispatches from the last room in the suite. Look down: outside there are cannon and files of soldiers. The room at the end was once the private office of Louis the Last. You cannot go in. That room is now the office of the Committee of Public Safety. The Committee exists to supervise the Council of Ministers and to expedite its decisions.

But France's powerful armies, and a very large number of fortresses, ensure that the French Sovereign will possess the throne forever, and they do not have anything to fear now concerning internal wars or their neighbors invading France.

...As the evening wore on (the supper did not end until seven in the morning), the public were admitted to watch the festivities from the balustrade, and were offered biscuits and refreshments to keep them going through the night. ...One of the lawyers was so upset by the evening that he got up to leave, proclaiming: 'They will send you to the madhouse and strike you from the list of members of the Bar.' Grimod responded by locking the doors to the apartment and preventing any further guests from leaving. Coffee and liquers were taken in an adjoining room lit by 130 candles while the guests were entertained by a magic-lantern show and some experiments with electricity performed by the Italian physicist Castanio. M Rival tells us that many of the guests fell asleep.

But just as everything was going along politely, quietly and wonderfully — in poured Citizen Danton and his crew.

But just let the masters of the world -- princes, kings, emperors, powerful majesties, invincible conquerors -- let them only try to make the people dance on a certain day each year in a set place. This is not much to ask, but I dare swear that they will not succeed, whereas, if the humblest missionary comes to such a spot, he will make himself obeyed two thousand years after his death. Every year the people meet together around a rustic church in the name of St. John, St. Martin, St. Benedict, and so on; they come filled with boisterous yet innocent cheerfulness; religion sanctifies this joy and the joy embellishes religion: they forget their sorrows; at night, they think of the pleasure to come on the same day next year, and this date is stamped on their memory. By the side of this picture put that of the French leaders who have been vested with every power by a shameful Revolution and yet cannot organize a simple fete.

CAMILLE DESMOULINS: For the establishment of liberty and the safety of the nation, one day of anarchy will do more than ten years of National Assemblies.

Camille, a few feet away, looked like a gypsy who had mislaid his violin and had been searching for it in a hedgerow; he frustrated daily the best efforts of an expensive tailor, wearing his clothes as a subtle comment on the collapsing social order.

Chorus: The Kings are our dear fathers Under whose care we live in peace The Kings are our dear fathers Under whose care we live in peace Marat: And the children repeated the lesson they believed it As anyone believes What they hear over and over again And over and over again the priests said Our love embraces all mankind Of every colour race and creed Our love is international universal We are all brothers every one And the priests looked down into the pit of injustice And they turned their faces away and said Our Kingdom is not as the kingdom of this world Our life on earth is out a pilgrimage The soul lives on humility and patience At the same time screwing from the poor their last centime They settled down among their treasures And ate and drank with princes And to the starving they said Suffer Suffer as he suffered on the cross For it is the will of God And anyone believes what they hear over and over again So the poor instead of bread made do with a picture Of the bleeding scourged and nailed-up Christ And prayed to that image of their helplessness And the priests said Raise your hands to heaven bend your knees And bear your suffering without complaint For prayer and blessing are the only stairways Which you can climb to Paradise And so they chained down the poor in their ignorance So that they wouldn't stand up and fight their bosses Who ruled in the name of the lie of divine right Chorus: Amen

But now to die would be, indeed, to give way to the sarcasm of destiny.

Collot is back from Lyon, did you know? He had finished his work, as he describes it. His path of righteousness is very clear and straight and broad. It’s so easy to be a good Jacobin. Collot hasn’t a doubt or scruple in his head— indeed, I doubt if he has much in it at all. Stop the Terror? He thinks we haven’t even begun.

Darks drifts covered the horizon. A strange shadow approaching nearer and nearer, was spreading little by little over men, over things, over ideas; a shadow which came from indignations and from systems. All that had been hurriedly stifled was stirring and fermenting. Sometimes the conscious of the honest man caught its breath, there was so much confusion in that air in which sophisms were mingled with truths. Minds trembled in the social anxiety like leaves at the approach of the storm. The electric tension was so great that at certain moments any chance-comer, thought unknown, flashed out. Then the twilight darkness fell again. At intervals, deep and sullen mutterings enabled men to judge of the amount of lightning in the cloud.

Georges was in a rage. It is a spectacle to comtemplate, his rage. He tore off his cravat, strode about the room, his throat and chest glistening with sweat, his voice shaking the windows. “This bloody so-called Revolution has been a waste of time. What have the patriots got out of it? Nothing.” He glared around the room. He looked as if he would hit anyone who contradicted him. Outside there was some far-off shouting, from the direction of the river. “If that’s true—” Camille said. But he couldn’t manage it, he couldn’t get his words out. “If this one’s done for—and I think it always was done for—” He put his face into his hands, exasperated with himself. “Come on, Camille,” Georges said, “there’s no time to wait around for you. Fabre, please bang his head against the wall.” “That’s what I’m trying to say, Georges- Jacques. We have no more time left.” I don’t know whether it was the threat, or because he suddenly saw the future, that Camille recovered his voice: but he began to speak in short, simple sentences. “We must begin again. We must stage a coup. We must depose Louis. We must take control. We must declare the republic. We must do it before the summer ends.

A pottery outside Paris was turning out his picture on thick glazed crockery in a strident yellow and blue. This is what happens when you become a public figure; people eat their dinners off you.

Dalla parte opposta Antoine-Luois-Leon Florelle de Saint-Just, pallido, fronte bassa, profilo regolare, sguardo misterioso, tristezza profonda, ventitré anni; Merlin de Thionville, chiamato dai tedeschi Feuer-Teufel, diavolo di fuoco; Merlin de Douai, criminale autore della legge dei sospetti; Soubrany, che il popolo volle come generale al primo pratile; l'ex curato Lebon che maneggiava la spada con la mano un tempo benedicente; Billaud-Varennes che sognava una magistratura dell'avvenire senza giudici, affidata a soli arbitri; Fabre d'Eglantine, che ebbe una piacevole trovata , il calendario repubblicano, come Rouget de Lisle ebbe un'ispirazione sublime, La Marsigliese, ma l'uno come l'altro senza ritorni spirituali; Manuel, il procuratore della Comune, il quale sentenziò: «Un re morto non rappresenta un uomo di meno»; Goujon che era entrato nelle truppe a Trippe Lacroix, avvocato fattosi generale e creato cavaliere di San Luigi sei giorni prima del 12 agosto; Frèron Thersiste, figlio di Fréron-Zoile; Ruhl, inesorabile nell'esaminare il contenuto del famoso armadio di ferro, predestinato al suicidio, da perfetto repubblicano, il giorno in cui fosse caduta la repubblica; Fouché, anima demoniaca e viso cadaverico; Camboulas, l'amico di di Père Duchéne, che rimproverava a Guilliotin: «Tu appartieni al Club dei Foglianti, ma tua figlia al Club dei giacobini» Jagot, che obiettava a coloro che non approvavano la nudità dei carcerati. « Una prigione è pur sempre un abito di pietra»; Javagues, il macabro violatore di tombe di Saint-Denis; Osselin, proscrittore che concedeva asilo a una proscritta, Madame Charry; Bentabolle, il quale nelle funzioni di presidente, dava al pubblico il segnale degli applausi o delle imprecazioni; il giornalista Robert, marito di Kéralio, la quale scriveva: «Né Robespierre né Marta frequentano la mia casa, Robespierrre vi può venire quando vuole, Marat non vi metterà mai piede»; Garan Coulon, che a seguito dell'intervento della Spagna nel processo contro Luigi XVI aveva chiesto fieramente che l'assemblea non si degnasse di dar lettura della lettera di un re a favore di un altro re; Grégoire, vescovo degno della Chiesa primitiva, il quale sotto l'Impero, cancellò poi la sua fede repubblicana, assumendo il titolo di conte Grégoire; Amar, che affermava: «La terra intera condanna Luigi XVI. A chi appellarsi contro la condanna, ai pianeti?» Rouyer, il quale si era opposto all'impiego del cannone dal Pont – Neuf asserendo: «La testa di un re non deve, cadendo, far più rumore della testa di un uomo qualsiasi»; Chénier, fratello di André; Vadier, uno di quelli che posarono una pistola sulla tribuna; Tanis, che diceva a Momoro: «Voglio che Robespierre e Marat si riappacifichino alla mia tavola». «Dove abitate? A Charenton. «Mi sarei stupito che abitaste altrove»; Legendre, il macellaio della rivoluzione d'Inghilterra: « Vieni dunque che ti spacchi la testa», gridava a Lanjuinais; E costui rispondeva: «Devi ottenere prima un decreto che mi classifiche tra i buoi»; Collot d'Herbois, macabro commediante che portava sul viso l'antica maschera con due bocche, una per il sì e una per il no, uomo che approvava con l'una ciò che biasimava con l'alra, pronto ad accusare Carrier a Nantes e a deificare Châlier a Lione, a inviare Robespierre al patibolo e Marat al Pantheon; Génissieux, il quale chiedeva la pena di morte contro chiunque portasse su di sé la medaglia rappresentante Luigi XVI martirizzato; Leonard Bourdain, il maestro di scuola che aveva offerto la sua casa al vegliardo di Mont-Jura;Topsent, marinaio; Goupilleau, avvocato; Laurent Lecointre, commerciante; Duhem, medico; Sergent, scultore; David,pittore; Joseph Égalité, principe. Atri ancora: Lecointe-Piuraveau, il quale chiedeva che Marat «fosse riconosciuto in stato di demenza»;

Do you know Camille Desmoulins?” he asked. “Have you seen him? He’s one of these law-school boys. Never used anything more dangerous than a paper knife.” He shook his head wonderingly. “Where do they come from, these people? They’re virgins. They’ve never been to war. They’ve never been on the hunting field. They’ve never killed an animal, let alone a man. But they’re such enthusiasts for murder.

Georges told me he would be back, and I have no reason to disbelieve him—but perhaps you’d like to sit down here and write him a letter? Tell him you can’t manage the thing without him, which is true. Tell him Robespierre says he can’t get along without him. And when you’re done, you might go and find Robespierre and ask him to call. He is such a steadying influence when Camille is killing himself.

Georges Lefebvre, the great contemporary historian of the French Revolution, who on occasion after occasion exhaustively examines all the available evidence and repeats that we do not know and will never know who were the real leaders of the French Revolution, nameless, obscure men, far removed from the legislators and the public orators.

God knows what risks we take, God knows all that Danton has done. God and Camille. God will keep his mouth shut.

God knows,” Charpentier said, “I like the present scheme of things very little, but I dread to think what will happen if the conduct of reform falls into hands like yours.” “Reform?” Camille said. “I’m not talking about reform. The city will explode this summer.

Has it ever occurred to you that Max feels the same basic contempt for you as you do for him?” “He feels contempt for me?” “It is something he feels very readily.” “No, I hadn’t thought that.” “Well, the whole world isn’t driven by your appetites, and people who are not feel themselves your superior, naturally. He struggles very hard to make allowances for you. He is not tolerant, but he is charitable. Or perhaps it is the other way around.” “One becomes tired of analyzing his character,” Danton said. “As if one’s life depended on it.

Good morning,” she said. “Are you drunk?” She noticed what a split second it took for him to flare into aggression. “Do I look it?” “No. Where is Citizen Danton?” “I’ve done away with him. I’ve been busy dismembering him for the last three hours. Would you like to help me carry his remnants down to the concierge? Oh really, Louise! He’s in bed and asleep, where do you think he is?” “And is he drunk?” “Very. What is all this harping on intoxication?

Hérault, Fabre thinks: and his mind drifts back—as it tends to, these days— to the Café du Foy. He’d been giving readings from his latest—Augusta was dying the death at the Italiens—and in came this huge, rough-looking boy, shoe-horned into a lawyer’s black suit, whom he’d made a sketch of in the street, ten years before. The boy had developed this upper-class drawl, and he’d talked about Hérault—“his looks are impeccable, he’s well traveled, he’s pursued by all the ladies at Court”—and beside Danton had been this fey wide-eyed egotist who had turned out to be half the city’s extramarital interest. The years pass … plus ça change, plus c’est la même chose …

Hunger was pushed out of the tall houses, in the wretched clothing that hung upon poles and lines; Hunger was patched into them with straw and rag and wood and paper; Hunger was repeated in every fragment of the small modicum of firewood that the man sawed off; Hunger stared down from the smokeless chimneys, and started up from the filthy street that had no offal, among its refuse, of anything to eat. Hunger was the inscription on the baker's shelves, written in every small loaf of his scanty stock of bad bread; at the sausage-shop, in every dead-dog preparation that was offered for sale. Hunger rattled its dry bones among the roasting chestnuts in the turned cylinder; Hunger was shred into atomics in every farthing porringer of husky chips of potato, fried with some reluctant drops of oil.

I am no one’s agent. I am the agent of the law. All the conspiracies pass through my hands. The Committee, you know, draws its present unity from being conspired against. I do not know what would happen if the policy of believing in conspiracies were changed.

If I were to put a date on it, I would say that the French Revolution finally came to rest after almost exactly 180 years, on April 28, 1969, when President de Gaulle resigned in a huff and the Fifth Republic, which he had founded, sailed on without him without a tremor.

I know what you want. One month after the ascension of Philippe the Gullible, M. Laclos found in a gutter, deceased. Blamed on a traffic accident. Two months after, King Philippe found in a gutter, deceased— it really is a bad stretch of road. Philippe’s heirs and assigns having coincidentally expired, end of the monarchy, reign of M.Danton.

In basso serpeggiava lo spavento che può colorarsi di nobiltà e la paura, che si ammanta di viltà. La grigia massa degli anonimi, vibrava di passione, di eroismi, di sacrifici, di rabbia. I bassifondi dell'assemblea erano chiamati «la Pianura». Vi affioravano gli uomini preda del dubbio, dell'esitazione, gli uomini che indietreggiano, che rimandano, che spiano, timorosi l'uno dell'altro. La Montagna costituiva la folla anonima. Questa si riassumeva e si personificava in Sieyès.

In other words, neither oppression nor exploitation as such is ever the main cause for resentment; wealth without visible function is much more intolerable because nobody can understand why it should be tolerated. Antisemitism reached its climax when Jews had similarly lost their public functions and their influence, and were left with nothing but their wealth.

Gradually, you see, our people are coming into the power they have always thought is their due.

He began with the core principle he had intoned at the dawn of his political career 25 years before: A democratic Calvinist in the Netherlands could not vote Democratic in the United States because that party trays its origins to Thomas Jefferson, who in turn had endorsed the principles of the French Revolution.

He stepped back, looked up. Cut into the stone above his head were the words RUE MARAT. For a moment he had the urge to turn back around the corner, climb the stairs, shout to the servants not to bother unpacking, they’d be returning to Arcis in the morning. He looked up to the lighted windows above his head. If I go up there, he thought, I’ll never be free again. If I go up there I commit myself to Max, to joining with him to finish Hébert, and perhaps to governing with him. I commit myself to fishing Fabre out of trouble—though God alone knows how that’s to be managed. I put myself once more under the threat of assassination; I recommence the blood feuds, the denunciations. His face hardened. You can’t stand in the street calling into question the last five years of your life, just because they’ve changed the street name; you can’t let it alter the future. No, he thought—and he saw it clearly, for the first time—it’s an illusion, about quitting, about going back to Arcis to farm. I’ve been lying to Louise: once in, never out.

I accuse you of marching towards supreme power. - said by Jean-Baptiste Louvet to Robespierre (1792)

I can’t divide Camille’s loyalties. Who knows? He might make the wrong choice.

I congratulate you," said he, in the tone which one uses for a reprimand. "You did not vote for the death of the king, after all." The old member of the Convention did not appear to notice the bitter meaning underlying the words "after all." He replied. The smile had quite disappeared from his face. "Do not congratulate me too much, sir. I did vote for the death of the tyrant." It was the tone of austerity answering the tone of severity. "What do you mean to say?" resumed the Bishop. "I mean to say that man has a tyrant,--ignorance. I voted for the death of that tyrant. That tyrant engendered royalty, which is authority falsely understood, while science is authority rightly understood. Man should be governed only by science." "And conscience," added the Bishop. "It is the same thing. Conscience is the quantity of innate science which we have within us.

I do no damage. This is damage, this.” He picked up a paper from Camille’s desk. “I can’t read your writing, but I take it the general tenor is that Brissot should go and hang himself.

I falter in the doorway, swept with memories of my reckless behavior last time I saw him. I sipped wine from a bottle. I kissed him. And as my pulse flutters with excitement, I know I would do it again, given the chance.

...if the spring of popular government in time of peace is virtue, the springs of popular government in revolution are at once virtue and terror. Virtue, without which terror is fatal; terror, without which virtue is powerless. Terror is nothing other than justice, prompts, severe, inflexible. It is there an emanation of virtue. It is not so much a special principle as it is a consequence of the general principle of democracy applied to our country's most urgent needs...is force made only to protect crime? And is the thunderbolt not destined to strike the heads of the proud?... Are the enemies within not the allies of the enemies without?...

Il n'est pas nécessaire de vivre. Il est nécessaire de naviguer.