Best 1601 quotes in «revolution quotes» category

Decide to be rich! Hate poverty strong.

Democracy is a revolution itself, to leading a society with one person's theory is not a revolution but a "terrible force" occupation. The best, effective, peaceful and powerful revolution is a "Vote" in a proper way.

Democracy is a system were ignorants choose a government, comunism is a system where ignorants govern themselves.

Democratic Socialism devolves into totalitarian Socialism and eventually into full on Communism as people resist statism.

De opstand gaat niet verder dan het doden van mensen; de revolutie moet mensen èn beginselen vernietigen. Om deze reden kan men ook zeggen dat de geschiedenis nog geen revolutie gekend heeft; er kan er nl. maar één zijn en dat is de definitieve, allebeslissende revolutie. Werd tot dusver een revolutie afgesloten door het optreden van een nieuwe regering, dan lagen in deze nieuwe regering alweer de kiemen van een nieuwe revolutie. De anarchisten, Varlet in het bijzonder, hebben duidelijk gezien dat revolutie en regering twee zaken zijn, die elkaar in letterlijke zin niet verdragen, omdat ze in verschillend vlak liggen. 'Er ligt een tegenstrijdigheid in de bewering', aldus Proudhon,'dat een regering ooit revolutionair zou kunnen zijn. Dat kan ze nooit zijn om de eenvoudige reden, dat ze een regering is.' De ondervinding heeft alleen maar geleerd dat een regering alleen maar revolutionair kan zijn tegenover een andere regering; om die reden zijn revolutionaire regeringen dan ook meestal gedwongen, oorlogsregeringen te zijn. De regering die uit de beweging van 1789 is voortgekomen, voerde oorlog ten behoeve van Europa; die van 1917 strijdt voor de wereldheerschappij. De totale revolutie eist ten slotte, we zullen nog zien waarom, het totale wereldrijk.

Devrim Devrim tinsel bir fenomendir.Politik devrim,sosyal devrim veya ekonomik devrim diye bir şey yoktur. Devrim sadece bireysel ruhlar için mümkündür.Sosyal devrim sahte bir olgudur çünkü toplumun kendine ait bir ruhu yoktur.Tek devrim ruhun devrimidir,bireyseldir.Ve eğer milyonlarca birey değişirse bunun sonucunda toplum da değişir;tersi olmaz.Önce toplumu değiştirip ardından bireylerin değişmesini bekleyemezsiniz.Devrimlerin başarısız olmasının sebebi budur çünkü devrime çok yanlış bir noktadan bakıyoruz.Eğer toplumu değiştirirsek bir gün bireylerin,toplumu oluşturan her bir öğenin de değişeceğini düşünürüz.Bu aptalcadır.

Devrimler, seçkinlere karşı kendiliğinden isyanlardan daha fazlasına ihtiyaç duyar. Devrimler, sadece yöneticinin veya birkaç yasanın değişmesiyle yetinmeyen, ama aşağıdan yukarıya toplumun her yönünü kavrayan yeni bir etik sistem getirmeye çalışan bir toplumsal kesimin varlığını gerektirir.

Devriminiz adına korkuyorum beyefendiciğim; çünkü henüz uçarı olmayı öğrenememişsiniz

Dickens has not seen it all. The wretched of the earth do not decide to become extinct, they resolve, on the contrary, to multiply: life is their only weapon against life, life is all that they have. This is why the dispossessed and starving will never be convinced (though some may be coerced) by the population-control programs of the civilized. I have watched the dispossessed and starving laboring in the fields which others own, with their transistor radios at their ear, all day long: so they learn, for example, along with equally weighty matters, that the pope, one of the heads of the civilized world, forbids to the civilized that abortion which is being, literally, forced on them, the wretched. The civilized have created the wretched, quite coldly and deliberately, and do not intend to change the status quo; are responsible for their slaughter and enslavement; rain down bombs on defenseless children whenever and wherever they decide that their ‘vital interests’ are menaced, and think nothing of torturing a man to death: these people are not to be taken seriously when they speak of the ‘sanctity’ of human life, or the ‘conscience’ of the civilized world. There is a ‘sanctity’ involved with bringing a child into this world: it is better than bombing one out of it. Dreadful indeed it is to see a starving child, but the answer to that is not to prevent the child’s arrival but to restructure the world so that the child can live in it: so that the ‘vital interest’ of the world becomes nothing less than the life of the child. However—I could not have said any of this then, nor is so absurd a notion about to engulf the world now. But we were all starving children, after all, and none of our fathers, even at their most embittered and enraged, had ever suggested that we ‘die out.’ It was not we who were supposed to die out: this was, of all notions, the most forbidden, and we learned this from the cradle. Every trial, every beating, every drop of blood, every tear, were meant to be used by us for a day that was coming—for a day that was certainly coming, absolutely certainly, certainly coming: not for us, perhaps, but for our children. The children of the despised and rejected are menaced from the moment they stir in the womb, and are therefore sacred in a way that the children of the saved are not. And the children know it, which is how they manage to raise their children, and why they will not be persuaded—by their children’s murderers, after all—to cease having children.

Die Gesamtheit dieser Produktionsverhältnisse bildet die ökonomische Struktur der Gesellschaft, die reale Basis, worauf sich ein juristischer und politischer Überbau erhebt und welcher bestimmte gesellschaftliche Bewußtseinsformen entsprechen. Die Produktionsweise des materiellen Lebens bedingt den sozialen, politischen und geistigen Lebensprozeß überhaupt. Es ist nicht das Bewußtsein der Menschen, das ihr Sein, sondern umgekehrt ihr gesellschaftliches Sein, das ihr Bewußtsein bestimmt. Auf einer gewissen Stufe ihrer Entwicklung geraten die materiellen Produktivkräfte der Gesellschaft in Widerspruch mit den vorhandenen Produktionsverhältnissen oder, was nur ein juristischer Ausdruck dafür ist, mit den Eigentumsverhältnissen, innerhalb deren sie sich bisher bewegt hatten.

Die Revolution hätte mich mitgerissen, hätte sie nicht mit Verbrechen begonnen: beim Anblick des ersten Kopfes auf der Spitze einer Pike zuckte ich zurück. Niemals wird für mich der Mord Gegenstand der Bewunderung und ein Argument für die Freiheit sein.

Die Revolution wirkte auf mich und meine Altersgenossen gerade umgekehrt wie der Krieg: der Krieg hatte unser wirkliches Leben bis zur Langweiligkeit unverändert gelassen, dafür aber unsere Phantasie reichen und unerschöpflichen Stoff gegeben. Die Revolution brachte viel Neues in die tägliche Wirklichkeit, und das Neue war bunt und aufregend genug, aber sie ließ die Phantasie unbeschädigt.

Diplomats and politicians, blowing with the wind. No substance, no beliefs, no real friendships.

Don't ask me to pray, instead ask me to act.

Don't just float through life; don't just agree to anything and everything, have a course you are known for at all times.

Don`t descend to the lowest ebb.

Don't just survive while waiting for someone's revolution to clear your head.

Eat the rich! Burn their bones to keep warm! Redistribute their stolen resources!

Don't listen to anyone but me

Don't whine about your poverty and brainless labor. You can read, can't you? Get thee to a library and foment rebellion - in both inner and outer worlds.

Each and every Indian, man or woman, child or Elder, is a spirit-warrior.

Each of you must decide where you stand. All we ask is that you refuse to kneel. You are the people. You have the power. Open your eyes. Open your minds. Then close the fingers on your hand.

—Écoutez, Coban, c'est terminé. —C'est commencé...

Either offend or represent, don’t be a spectator.

Don`t turn around in circles for making circles do not equate making progress.

During self-reflection, the realization came that revolution begins within.

Dvě události zasluhují zvláštní zmínky. Předně, že naši katolíci postupovali svorně se svobodomyslnými a se socialisty; kdo zná poměr obou směrů v době dřívější, uzná s radostí jednotící sílu osvobozenského hnutí. Katolíci už rok před tím (18. listopadu) usnesli se v Chicagu na memorandu, které bylo určeno papeži Benediktu XV. ; bylo odevzdáno papežskému delegátovi, který počin 'Národního Svazu Českých Katolíků' schválil a slíbil doručit memorandum papeži. V memorandu žádána samostatnost Čechoslovanů a osvobození národa československého v zemích historických a na Slovensku. Sám jsem se zúčastnil katolického sjezdu ve Washingtoně dne 20. června. Objasnil jsem proti starým výtkám své náboženské stanovisko, zejména, jak a proč jsem se stal příkrým odpůrcem toho katolicismu politického, jaký se p%usobením Habsburků vyvinul v Rakousku a Uhersku. Vyslovil jsem se pro rozluku státu a církve podle vzoru amerického. Právě američní katolíci chápali, že nezávislost církve na státu nijak není církvi na závadu. Slíbil jsem, že se přičiním o rozluku bez boje; pokud by při této rozluce šlo o úpravu církevních statků, odmítl jsem konfiskaci. Když se výkonný výbor Národního Svazu Českých Katolíků v Americe usnesl 25. října 1918 vyslat své zástupce do Československé republiky, aby o podstatě rozluky poučili duchovenstvo i katolický lid, uvítal jsem tento ämysl velmi rád (dopisem z 15. listopadu). Dodávám ještě, že také Sdruženie Slovenských Katolíkov v Amerike doporučilo úpravu poměru církve k státu ve smyslu rozluky americké, ovšem se zřetelem na poměry slovenské (ve Wilkes Barre 27. listopadu).

Each of us lives with a sword over his head. There are those who can ignore its shadow and those who cannot. Those who cannot are not necessarily better than those who can. But they are the creators of the special myth of their time, because any myth is the creation of the very few who cannot bear reality.

É impossível justificar os excessos do povo ao pegar em armas... Mas é realmente o povo a quem devemos imputar tudo, ou a seus opressores, que os mantiveram por tanto tempo na escravidão? Aquele que escolhe ser servido por escravos, e por escravos mal-tratados deve saber que preserva tanto sua propriedade quanto sua vida através da dominação, diferentemente de quem prefere os serviços de homens livres e bem tratados; e aquele que ceia ao som de lamentos de dor não deve, num momento de insurreição, reclamar que suas filhas foram violentadas e mortas, nem que cortaram a garganta de seus filhos. Quando tais males ocorrem, certamente são mais imputáveis à tirania dos grandes senhores do que à crueldade dos servos.

Enclosures have appropriately been called a revolution of the rich is against the poor. The lords and nobles were upsetting the social order, breaking down ancient law and custom, sometimes by means of vio¬lence, often by pressure and intimidation. They were literally robbing the poor of their share in the common, tearing down the houses which, by the hitherto unbreakable force of custom, the poor had long regarded as theirs and their heirs'. The fabric of society was being disrupted; desolate villages and the ruins of human dwellings testified to the fierce¬ness with which the revolution raged, endangering the defenses of the country, wasting its towns, decimating its population, turning its over¬burdened soil into dust, harassing its people and turning them from decent husbandmen into a mob of beggars and thieves.

Enjolras caught glimpses of a luminous uprising under the dark skirts of the future.

Esta es una revolución que ningún poder logrará controlar porque biopoder y comunismo, cooperación y revolución, permanecen juntos, en amor, simplicidad y también inocencia. Esta es la irreprimible alegría y gozo de ser comunistas.

Even the farthest seers can't bend their gaze beyond their era's horizon of possibility, but the horizon shifts with each incremental revolution as the human mind peers outward to take in nature, then turns inward to question its own givens. We sieve the world through the mesh of these certitudes, tautened by nature and culture, but every once in a while—whether by accident or conscious effort—the wire loosens and the kernel of revolution slips through.

En Venezuela no solo mueren los sueños, y las esperanzas a diario, también muere la justicia, la verdad, y por supuesto “los venezolanos”. Aquí muere todo, pero al parecer sobrevive la patria.

Estoy más y más convencido de que los verdaderos revolucionarios deben percibir la revolución, debido a su naturaleza creativa y liberadora, como un acto de amor. Para mí, la revolución, que no era posible sin una teoría de la revolución -y, por ende, una ciencia- no es irreconciliable con el amor. Al contrario: la revolución es llevada a cabo por seres humanos, para alcanzar esta humanización. ¿Qué es, en efecto, el motivo más profundo que mueve a los individuos a convertirse en revolucionarios, si no es la deshumanización de la gente? La distorsión impuesta en la palabra "amor" por el mundo capitalista no puede prevenir que la revolución sea esencialmente amante en su carácter, ni puede prevenir que los revolucionarios afirmen su amor por la vida. Guevara (mientras que admitió que había "un riesgo de parecer ridículo") no tenía miedo de afirmarlo. "Déjenme decir, con el riesgo de parecer ridículo, que el verdadero revolucionario está guiado por un fuerte sentimiento de amor. Es imposible pensar una auténtica revolución sin esta cualidad.

Every advance in human life, every scrap of knowledge and wisdom and decency we have has been torn by one side from the teeth of the other. Every little increase in human freedom has been fought over ferociously between those who want us to know more and be wiser and stronger, and those who want us to obey and be humble and submit.

Every culture is first and foremost a particular experience of time, and no new culture is possible without an alteration in this experience. The original task of a genuine revolution, therefore, is never merely to 'change the world', but also - and above all - to 'change time'.

Every country on Earth needs a progressive Revolution. But these revolutions must come through the Revolutions in the mind, not through Revolutions using Violence!

Every man who has in his soul a secret feeling of revolt against any act of the State, of life, or of destiny, is on the verge of riot; and so soon as it appears, he begins to quiver, and to feel himself borne away by the whirlwind.

Every revolution begins with one voice crying in the wilderness.

Everyone ate as a group, and a huge cauldron of dumpster-dived gruel bubbled over a campfire, tended by a grubby-handed group of chefs dicing potatoes and onions on a piece of cardboard on the ground. Huck [Finn] may have been right that a 'barrel of odds and ends' where the 'juice kind of swaps around' makes for better victuals, but it occurred to me that the revolution may well get dysentery.

Every revolution begins with breakfast,’ I quoted as they left. ‘Is this your revolution, Jaxon?

Everything is mended by the soil.

Everything was burning. Today it was the bodies; tomorrow it would be the spirit.

Failure to recognize the historical specificity of the bourgeois conception of rights and duties leads to serious errors. It is for this reason that Marx registers...a vigorous indictment of the anarchist Proudhon... Proudhon in effect took the specifics of bourgeois legal and economic relations and treated them as universal and foundational for the development of an alternative, socially just economic system. From Marx's standpoint, this is no alternative at all since it merely re-inscribes bourgeois conceptions of value in a supposedly new form of society. This problem is still with us, not only because of the contemporary anarchist revival of interest in Proudhon's ideas but also because of the rise of a more broad-based liberal human rights politics as a supposed antidote to the social and political ills of contemporary capitalism. Marx's critique of Proudhon is directly applicable to this contemporary politics. The UN Universal Declaration of Human Rights of 1948 is a foundational document for a bourgeois, market-based individualism and as such cannot provide a basis for a thoroughgoing critique of liberal or neoliberal capitalism. Whether it is politically useful to insist that the capitalist political order live up to its own foundational principles is one thing, but to imagine that this politics can lead to a radical displacement of a capitalist mode of production is, in Marx's view, a serious error.

Every war is a profound sexual revolution.

FAITES L'AMOUR ET RECOMMENCEZ (make love and make it again)

For this gloomy beast within my breast - A heart. But the thing is, We've all had to learn not to sleep for three years. In the morning we shall find out Who has died in the night.

For all these stars, nothing is new. They’ve seen all kinds of wars and miracles, too. They know the messengers with their holy books will smile and wash their hands in blood. They know the politicians with their good looks will make the poor eat pies of mud. They’ve seen the Earth freeze and then burn with greed. They’ve seen the trees and the seas emptied. Yet, you won’t hear their sneers when a man arrives and, having experienced a number of years, proclaims: 'I have lived!' Because nothing is new under these stars: the lies, the love, the memories and scars, the ruin, the revolution, the fakes and true, the families, the friends, none of it is new. All of it—even the me and you.

Forget revival; It's time for a spiritual revolution of revelation!