Best 1601 quotes in «revolution quotes» category

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    Both political parties have moved to the right during the neoliberal period. Today’s New Democrats are pretty much what used to be called “moderate Republicans.” The “political revolution” that Bernie Sanders called for, rightly, would not have greatly surprised Dwight Eisenhower. The fate of the minimum wage illustrates what has been happening. Through the periods of high and egalitarian growth in the ‘50s and ‘60s, the minimum wage—which sets a floor for other wages—tracked productivity. That ended with the onset of neoliberal doctrine. Since then, the minimum wage has stagnated (in real value). Had it continued as before, it would probably be close to $20 per hour. Today, it is considered a political revolution to raise it to $15.

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    But an action which wants to serve man ought to be careful not to forget him on the way, if it chooses to fulfill itself blindly, it will lose its meaning or will take on an unforeseen meaning; for the goal is not fixed once & for all; it is defined all along the road which leads up to it.

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    British democracy was not given by the elite. It was largely taken by the masses.

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    But after reading it he knew better than before that he was not mad. Being in a minority, even a minority of one, did not make you mad. There was truth and there was untruth, and if you clung to the truth even against the whole world, you were not mad.

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    But in the midst of this decaying, burning city, there are pockets of hope. It can be found in the tiny dark rooms in underground bars, where women with short hair cheer on men in dresses. It can be felt in abandoned cinemas where anonymous strangers fall in love if only for a few moments, and in the living rooms where families crowd around, drinking sweet black tea and Skyping their homesick relatives so that together they can watch the long, rambling talk shows that go on all night.

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    But I don't shut up and I don't die. I live and fight, maddening those who rule my country. For if I live I fight, and if I fight I contribute to the dawn.

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    But one doesn't wait for a revolution. One becomes it.

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    But here's how it works: when the world has told you once too often and once and for all that you are nothing nothing nothing then you come to the conclusion that others may be nothing too.

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    But what worries me is not your shooting me, because after all, for people like us it's a natural death." He laid his glasses on the bed and took off his watch and chain. "What worries me," he went on, "is that out of so much hatred for the military, out of fighting them so much and thinking about them so much, you've ended up as bad as they are. And no ideal in life is worth that much baseness.

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    But to what end? Some... future revolution? It can never succeed. As Seneca warned Nero: No matter how many of us you kill, you will never kill your successor.

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    But...well, Reg, tomorrow the sun will come up again, and I'm pretty sure that whatever happens we won't have found Freedom, and there won't be a whole lot of Justice, and I'm damn sure we won't have found Truth. But it's just possible that I might get a hard-boiled egg.

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    By being uninvolved we almost participate in the most outrageous practices.

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    But when you talk about destruction, don't you know that you can count me out.

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    But let us be sure of something. We are not sheep. This government is ours, and it is meant to serve our best interests. And if it has grown into something it shouldn't be, and shucked off the rules of the Constitution it was based on, then it is our responsibility to rein it back in.

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    By creating a society in which all people, of all colors, were granted freedom and citizenship, the Haitian Revolution forever transformed the world. It was a central part of the destruction of slavery in the Americas, and therefore a crucial moment in the history of democracy, one that laid the foundation for the continuing struggles for human rights everywhere. In this sense we are all descendents of the Haitain Revolution, and responsible to these ancestors.

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    Car celui qui tombe pour la liberté Ne meurt pas, ne peut pas mourir !

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    By the rude bridge that arched the flood, Their flag to April's breeze unfurled, Here once the embattled farmers stood, And fired the shot heard round the world. The foe long since in silence slept; Alike the conqueror silent sleeps; And Time the ruined bridge has swept Down the dark stream which seaward creeps. On this green bank, by this soft stream, We set to-day a votive stone; That memory may their deed redeem, When, like our sires, our sons are gone. Spirit, that made those heroes dare To die, and leave their children free, Bid Time and Nature gently spare The shaft we raise to them and thee.

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    C'etait un jour de fete. Mais l'haine se repete. Laissez pas la peur dominer le coeur, Si on veut que l'amour soit vainqueur

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    By cutting off my hair I was punishing myself for loving someone so much. I was trying to be stronger" -Cal.

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    Ce fut ma première gloire artistique. Et pas n'importe laquelle : une gloire révolutionnaire.

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    Ce tout petit changement avait été une révolution.

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    Collins and Morales represent a segment of society which, if attacked with the weapons society sanctions, one finds buffered by innumerable layers of law, bureaucracy, lies, evasions. They rest secure within their palaces, confident that they possess defenses against all possible attacks within the rules of the game, yet willing to violate those rules themselves. ... We both know that although it is not listed in the rules, a player can end the game by kicking over the board and throttling his opponent.

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    Changed people change nations.

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    Ci sono stagni, nel deserto di Sonora. Potresti finirci dritto in mezzo e non saperlo, perché di solito sono asciutti. Non sospetteresti mai l'esistenza di rane addormentate pochi centimetri sotto i tuoi piedi, il battito del cuore rallentato a un paio di pulsazioni al minuto. Dormono e aspettano, quelle rane del fango, perché senz'acqua la loro vita non è completa. Per lunghi mesi dormono sottoterra. Finché arriva la pioggia. E allora centinaia d'occhi sbucano dal fango, centinaia di voci risuonano ogni notte sull'acqua. Fu uno spettacolo meraviglioso assistere al risveglio di noi rane del fango, vivere quel risveglio. Piccoli gesti, parole, empatie credute ormai estinte tornarono in vita. Per anni, le facce estranee incrociate nei corridoi avevano ricevuto solo sguardi corrucciati; ora guardavamo, salutavamo, sorridevamo. Se qualcuno prendeva un bel voto, anche altri gioivano. Se qualcuno si storceva una caviglia, anche altri soffrivano. Scoprimmo quale colore avessero gli occhi degli altri. Fu Stargirl a guidare quella ribellione: una ribellione per invece che contro. Per noi stessi. Per le rane assopite che eravamo stati così a lungo. Ragazzi taciturni prendevano la parola nelle discussioni in classe. La rubrica "Lettere all'Editore" riempì un'intera pagina dell'edizione di dicembre del giornale scolastico. Un ragazzo fondò un'associazione di fotografi dilettanti. Un altro arrivò a scuola coi mocassini invece che con le scarpe da ginnastica. Una ragazza timida e insignificante si dipinse di verde fluorescente le unghie dei piedi. Un ragazzo si tinse i capelli color porpora.

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    Communities that can't read and translate what the powers are putting out will always be tricked.

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    Communism is not an ideal to be realised: it already exists, not as alternative lifestyles, autonomous zones or counter-communities that would grow within this society and ultimately change it into another one, but as an effort, a task to prepare for. It is the movement which tries to abolish the conditions of life determined by wage-labour, and it will abolish them only by revolution.

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    Communists are not isolated from the proletariat. Their action is never an attempt to organize others, only to express their own subversive response to the world. Ultimately, revolutionary initiatives will interconnect. But our task is not primarily one of organisation: it is to convey (in a text or an action) an antagonistic relation to the world. However big or small it may be, such an act is an attack against the old world.

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    Confidence thrills men for it means you won’t be fidgety or excessively jealous when the man is in the midst of people especially those of opposite sex.

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    Courage is the ability to execute tasks and assignments without fear or intimidation.

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    Critical pessimists, such as media critics Mark Crispin Miller, Noam Chomsky, and Robert McChesney, focus primarily on the obstacles to achieving a more democratic society. In the process, they often exaggerate the power of big media in order to frighten readers into taking action. I don't disagree with their concern about media concentration, but the way they frame the debate is self-defeating insofar as it disempowers consumers even as it seeks to mobilize them. Far too much media reform rhetoric rests on melodramatic discourse about victimization and vulnerability, seduction and manipulation, "propaganda machines" and "weapons of mass deception". Again and again, this version of the media reform movement has ignored the complexity of the public's relationship to popular culture and sided with those opposed to a more diverse and participatory culture. The politics of critical utopianism is founded on a notion of empowerment; the politics of critical pessimism on a politics of victimization. One focuses on what we are doing with media, and the other on what media is doing to us. As with previous revolutions, the media reform movement is gaining momentum at a time when people are starting to feel more empowered, not when they are at their weakest.

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    Darwin did not know what a bitter satire he wrote on mankind ... when he showed that free competition, the struggle for existence, which the economists celebrate as the highest historical achievement, is the normal state of the animal kingdom. Only conscious organization of social production, in which production and distribution are carried on in a planned way, can lift mankind above the rest of the animal.

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    Darks drifts covered the horizon. A strange shadow approaching nearer and nearer, was spreading little by little over men, over things, over ideas; a shadow which came from indignations and from systems. All that had been hurriedly stifled was stirring and fermenting. Sometimes the conscious of the honest man caught its breath, there was so much confusion in that air in which sophisms were mingled with truths. Minds trembled in the social anxiety like leaves at the approach of the storm. The electric tension was so great that at certain moments any chance-comer, thought unknown, flashed out. Then the twilight darkness fell again. At intervals, deep and sullen mutterings enabled men to judge of the amount of lightning in the cloud.

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    Death! Death! We will not let you die. The people of the future will sing your name and your monstrosities.

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    Decide to be rich! Hate poverty strong.

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    Democracy is a system were ignorants choose a government, comunism is a system where ignorants govern themselves.

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    Communism was born from a beautiful dream, the likes of which there will never be again on the face of this earth: that there would no longer be lazy men who eat their fill while others work hard and starve.

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    Criticisms and revolt do not solve a thing, what does, in actuality, not in theory, is awareness of the reality.

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    Dad had turned conservative, but not in the way of the demonologists who sold us out for tenure and crumbs. More like a man who spurns the false talk of revolution for the humbler mission of resurrecting one soul at a time.

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    Da sind wir, neue Insekten im verwaisten Ameisenhaufen, mit unseren Taschen voller Pläne und unseren Hoffnungen darauf zu wimmeln.

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    Democracy is a revolution itself, to leading a society with one person's theory is not a revolution but a "terrible force" occupation. The best, effective, peaceful and powerful revolution is a "Vote" in a proper way.

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    Democratic Socialism devolves into totalitarian Socialism and eventually into full on Communism as people resist statism.

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    De opstand gaat niet verder dan het doden van mensen; de revolutie moet mensen èn beginselen vernietigen. Om deze reden kan men ook zeggen dat de geschiedenis nog geen revolutie gekend heeft; er kan er nl. maar één zijn en dat is de definitieve, allebeslissende revolutie. Werd tot dusver een revolutie afgesloten door het optreden van een nieuwe regering, dan lagen in deze nieuwe regering alweer de kiemen van een nieuwe revolutie. De anarchisten, Varlet in het bijzonder, hebben duidelijk gezien dat revolutie en regering twee zaken zijn, die elkaar in letterlijke zin niet verdragen, omdat ze in verschillend vlak liggen. 'Er ligt een tegenstrijdigheid in de bewering', aldus Proudhon,'dat een regering ooit revolutionair zou kunnen zijn. Dat kan ze nooit zijn om de eenvoudige reden, dat ze een regering is.' De ondervinding heeft alleen maar geleerd dat een regering alleen maar revolutionair kan zijn tegenover een andere regering; om die reden zijn revolutionaire regeringen dan ook meestal gedwongen, oorlogsregeringen te zijn. De regering die uit de beweging van 1789 is voortgekomen, voerde oorlog ten behoeve van Europa; die van 1917 strijdt voor de wereldheerschappij. De totale revolutie eist ten slotte, we zullen nog zien waarom, het totale wereldrijk.

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    Devrim Devrim tinsel bir fenomendir.Politik devrim,sosyal devrim veya ekonomik devrim diye bir şey yoktur. Devrim sadece bireysel ruhlar için mümkündür.Sosyal devrim sahte bir olgudur çünkü toplumun kendine ait bir ruhu yoktur.Tek devrim ruhun devrimidir,bireyseldir.Ve eğer milyonlarca birey değişirse bunun sonucunda toplum da değişir;tersi olmaz.Önce toplumu değiştirip ardından bireylerin değişmesini bekleyemezsiniz.Devrimlerin başarısız olmasının sebebi budur çünkü devrime çok yanlış bir noktadan bakıyoruz.Eğer toplumu değiştirirsek bir gün bireylerin,toplumu oluşturan her bir öğenin de değişeceğini düşünürüz.Bu aptalcadır.

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    Devriminiz adına korkuyorum beyefendiciğim; çünkü henüz uçarı olmayı öğrenememişsiniz

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    Dickens has not seen it all. The wretched of the earth do not decide to become extinct, they resolve, on the contrary, to multiply: life is their only weapon against life, life is all that they have. This is why the dispossessed and starving will never be convinced (though some may be coerced) by the population-control programs of the civilized. I have watched the dispossessed and starving laboring in the fields which others own, with their transistor radios at their ear, all day long: so they learn, for example, along with equally weighty matters, that the pope, one of the heads of the civilized world, forbids to the civilized that abortion which is being, literally, forced on them, the wretched. The civilized have created the wretched, quite coldly and deliberately, and do not intend to change the status quo; are responsible for their slaughter and enslavement; rain down bombs on defenseless children whenever and wherever they decide that their ‘vital interests’ are menaced, and think nothing of torturing a man to death: these people are not to be taken seriously when they speak of the ‘sanctity’ of human life, or the ‘conscience’ of the civilized world. There is a ‘sanctity’ involved with bringing a child into this world: it is better than bombing one out of it. Dreadful indeed it is to see a starving child, but the answer to that is not to prevent the child’s arrival but to restructure the world so that the child can live in it: so that the ‘vital interest’ of the world becomes nothing less than the life of the child. However—I could not have said any of this then, nor is so absurd a notion about to engulf the world now. But we were all starving children, after all, and none of our fathers, even at their most embittered and enraged, had ever suggested that we ‘die out.’ It was not we who were supposed to die out: this was, of all notions, the most forbidden, and we learned this from the cradle. Every trial, every beating, every drop of blood, every tear, were meant to be used by us for a day that was coming—for a day that was certainly coming, absolutely certainly, certainly coming: not for us, perhaps, but for our children. The children of the despised and rejected are menaced from the moment they stir in the womb, and are therefore sacred in a way that the children of the saved are not. And the children know it, which is how they manage to raise their children, and why they will not be persuaded—by their children’s murderers, after all—to cease having children.

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    Die Revolution wirkte auf mich und meine Altersgenossen gerade umgekehrt wie der Krieg: der Krieg hatte unser wirkliches Leben bis zur Langweiligkeit unverändert gelassen, dafür aber unsere Phantasie reichen und unerschöpflichen Stoff gegeben. Die Revolution brachte viel Neues in die tägliche Wirklichkeit, und das Neue war bunt und aufregend genug, aber sie ließ die Phantasie unbeschädigt.

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    Devrimler, seçkinlere karşı kendiliğinden isyanlardan daha fazlasına ihtiyaç duyar. Devrimler, sadece yöneticinin veya birkaç yasanın değişmesiyle yetinmeyen, ama aşağıdan yukarıya toplumun her yönünü kavrayan yeni bir etik sistem getirmeye çalışan bir toplumsal kesimin varlığını gerektirir.

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    Don't ask me to pray, instead ask me to act.

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    Don`t descend to the lowest ebb.

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    Die Gesamtheit dieser Produktionsverhältnisse bildet die ökonomische Struktur der Gesellschaft, die reale Basis, worauf sich ein juristischer und politischer Überbau erhebt und welcher bestimmte gesellschaftliche Bewußtseinsformen entsprechen. Die Produktionsweise des materiellen Lebens bedingt den sozialen, politischen und geistigen Lebensprozeß überhaupt. Es ist nicht das Bewußtsein der Menschen, das ihr Sein, sondern umgekehrt ihr gesellschaftliches Sein, das ihr Bewußtsein bestimmt. Auf einer gewissen Stufe ihrer Entwicklung geraten die materiellen Produktivkräfte der Gesellschaft in Widerspruch mit den vorhandenen Produktionsverhältnissen oder, was nur ein juristischer Ausdruck dafür ist, mit den Eigentumsverhältnissen, innerhalb deren sie sich bisher bewegt hatten.