Best 1179 quotes in «israel quotes» category

Cuando se fundó el Estado de Israel, en 1948, todos mis amigos judíos estaban felices; yo fui el aguafiestas. Les advertí: —Estamos construyendo un gueto nosotros mismos. Estaremos rodeados por decenas de millones de musulmanes que nunca perdonarán, nunca olvidarán y nunca desaparecerán. Estaba en lo cierto, sobre todo cuando resultó que los árabes estaban asentados en la mayor parte de los abastecimientos petrolíferos del mundo. Así que las naciones del mundo, que necesitaban el petróleo, pensaron que era diplomático ser pro-árabe. (Si el tema de las reservas petrolíferas se hubiese conocido antes, estoy convencido de que Israel no se habría creado.) Pero ¿no merecemos los judíos una patria? En realidad, creo que a ningún grupo humano le conviene pertenecer a una “patria” en el sentido habitual de la palabra. La Tierra no debería estar dividida en cientos de secciones diferentes, cada una habitada por un solo segmento autodefinido de la humanidad que considera que su propio bienestar y su propia “seguridad nacional” están por encima de cualquier otra consideración. Soy partidario de la diversidad cultural y me gustaría que cada grupo identificable valorara su patrimonio cultural. Por ejemplo, soy un patriota de Nueva York y si viviera en Los Ángeles me encantaría reunirme con otros neoyorquinos expatriados y cantar Give My Regards to Broadway. No obstante, este tipo de sentimientos deben ser culturales y benignos. Estoy en contra de ello si cada grupo desprecia a los demás y aspira a destruirlos. Estoy en contra de dar armas a cada pequeño grupo autodefinido con las que reforzar su propio orgullo y sus prejuicios. La Tierra se enfrenta en la actualidad a problemas medioambientales que amenazan con la inminente destrucción de la civilización y con el final del planeta como un lugar habitable. La humanidad no se pude permitir desperdiciar sus recursos financieros y emocionales en peleas interminables y sin sentido entre los diversos grupos. Debe haber un sentido de lo global en el que todo el mundo se una para resolver los problemas reales a los que nos enfrentamos todos. ¿Se puede hacer esto? La pregunta equivale a: ¿puede sobrevivir la humanidad? Por tanto, no soy sionista porque no creo en las naciones y porque los sionistas lo único que hacen es crear una nación más para dar lugar a más conflictos. Crean su nación para tener “derechos”, “exigencias” y “seguridad nacional” y para sentir que deben protegerla de sus vecinos. ¡No hay naciones! Sólo existe la humanidad. Y si no llegamos a entender esto pronto, las naciones desaparecerán, porque no existirá la humanidad.

Damu, mto wa maisha unaotiririsha maji yake mwilini kwa kusukumwa na pampu za moyo na kuchujwa na fizi za mapafu, inaundwa na seli na maji yaitwayo utegili au maji ya damu, ambayo kazi yake ni kusafirisha oksijeni na virutubisho katika kila sehemu ya mwili, ndani yake kuna roho. Mungu alitoa kafara ya damu kwa ajili ya Adamu na Hawa katika Bustani ya Edeni. Ibrahimu alitoa kafara ya damu kwa ajili ya Israeli ijapokuwa mapenzi ya Mungu kwa Israeli yalikwisha baada ya kusulubiwa kwa Yesu Kristo. Wana wa Israeli walitoa kafara za damu kwa ajili ya wokovu wa watoto wao wa kwanza na watoto wa kwanza wa wanyama wao nchini Misri. Mungu alitoa kafara ya damu ya Yesu Kristo nchini Israeli kwa ajili ya wanadamu wote duniani. Damu ya mwanakondoo ina nguvu kuliko maombi, imetiwa wakfu na Mwenyezi Mungu na ina uhusiano mkubwa na ulimwengu wa roho. Ukifunikwa na damu ya mwanakondoo Shetani hatakuona. Shetani asipokuona, utafanikiwa.

Death moved in the night, in search for blood, and when it found Life, it passed on by, like a cloud that moves by the face of the moon. When he found those dead without the red, he took the life before them born first, and the mourning emptied itself till the morning.

Friedrich spoke thickly. "Don't you think, Mr. Kingscourt, that people would be better if they were better off? "No! If I believed that, I should not be going off to my lonely island; I should have stayed in the midst of humanity. I should have told them how to better themselves. They needn't wait to begin. Not a thousand years, not a hundred, not even fifty. Today! With the ideas, knowledge, and facilities that humanity possesses on this 31st day of December, 1902, it could save itself. No philosopher's stone, no dirigible airship is needed. Everything needful for the making of a better world exists already. And do you know, man, who could show the way? You! You Jews! Just because you're so badly off. You've nothing to lose. You could make the experimental land for humanity. Over yonder, where we were, you could create a new commonwealth. On that ancient soil, Old-New Land! Friedrich heard Kingscourt's words only in a dream. He had fallen asleep. And, dreaming, he sailed through the Red Sea to meet the future.

Die Natürlichkeit, diese Direktheit der Israelis im Umgang miteinander, sagte Inbar, das ist unsere größte Errungenschaft, das ist mehr wert als das Trockenlegen der Sümpfe und unsere ganze High-Tech-Industrie.

First, if you are a homosexual or feel that inclination, keep yourself pure. If you are unmarried, you should practice abstinence from all sexual activity. I know this is difficult, but really what God is asking you to do is pretty much the same thing that he requires of all single people. That means not only keeping your body pure, but especially your mind. Just as heterosexual men should avoid pornography and fantasizing, you, too, need to keep your thought-life clean. Resist the temptation to rationalize sin by saying, “God made me this way.” God has made it very clear that He does not want you to indulge your desires, but to honor Him by keeping your mind and body pure. Finally, seek professional Christian counseling. With time and effort, you can come to enjoy normal, heterosexual relations with your spouse. There is hope.

For Jabotinsky, the confrontation between Jews and Arabs was rooted in the fact that both sides shared historical rights to the same land. This was not a struggle between right and wrong, but between right and right.

Die Kommunistische Partei bildet zusammen mit Tarabut-Hitchabrut und vielen "Unabhängigen" die "Front für Demokratie und Frieden" (Hadash). Der Knessetabgeordnete Dov Chinin (der Hadash vertritt und selber KP-Mitglied ist) entschied sich vor einem Jahr, der hebräischen Teil der KP zu einem Bündnis mit der zerstörten zionistischen Linken (Meretz) zu ziehen, was den Schulterschluss in dieser Protestbewegung jetzt ermöglichte von so vielen verschiedenen politischen Richtungen, also ein gemeinsames Marschieren von Sozialdemokraten (Meretz) und revolutionären Sozialisten (Hadash). Andererseits weiß die kommunistische Partei immer, was richtig ist, und wer anders denkt, ist ein Feind. Das ist die Politik aller Kommunistischen Partei seit eh und je. Als der Stalinismus sich festigte, wurde klar, dass jedeR Andersdenkende ein Faschist ist. Millionen wurden unter diesem Vorwand ermordet, in Russland, im spanischen Bürgerkrieg, und in vielen andern Ländern. Und das ist nicht nur Paranoja. Das Schlimmste daran ist, dass die meisten Leute die Ziele des Kommunismus mit diesem brutalen unmenschlichen Regime identifizieren. Und genau das geschieht jetzt gerade: Dov Chinins strategische Entscheidung entfernt die Kommunistische Partei und leider auch Hadash – obschon die beiden nicht identisch sind, aber auch das ist ein Prozess der negativen Identifizierung - von den Massen in den Entwicklungsstädten und den "geschwächten" Stadtvierteln, die zwar nie der Kommunistischen Partei nachrannten, mit denen Wir aber in den letzten drei Jahren sehr erfolgreiche Arbeit machten. Diese Bevölkerung interessiert weder die arabischen noch die hebräischen Kader der Kommunistischen Partei, weil sie seit dreissig Jahren Likud oder Schass oder Liebermann wählen. Diese hebräischen Kader nennen Wir "die Dov-Jungens". Wir wollen keinen Kontakt mit ihnen, aber einer dieser Dov-Jungens glaubt fälschlicherweise, dass Wir auf ihrer Seite sind. Er versucht, Uns zu überzeugen, dass diese ganze Initiative, die Peripherie demokratisch an der Führung teilhaben zu lassen, eigentlich ein faschistischer Putschversuch ist. Demokratie, ja, das ist gut für die Theorie, aber in der politischen Realität muss man den verblödeten Massen den Weg zeigen. Wir sind die Avandguarde, die die Macht ergreifen muss, das Volk wird danach schon früh genug verstehen, dass es richtig so war.

Existence has taught me that a man can live on love and fresh water, on crumbs and promises, but he can never survive insults. And insults are all I've known since I came into the world. Every morning. Every evening. That's all I've seen for my whole life.

Falsehoods, rob the good in the hood, of the good wood. The good wood, that the good in the hood are descended from, is their birthright.

Half the published articles on Gaza contain a standard reference to its resemblance to a vast open-air prison (and when I last saw it under Israeli occupation it certainly did deserve this metaphor). The problem is that, given its ideology and its allies, Hamas qualifies rather too well in the capacity of guard and warder.

He got off on Lincoln and slavery and dared any man there to deny that Lincoln and the negro and Moses and the children of Israel were the same, and that the Red Sea was just the blood that had to be spilled in order that the black race might cross into the Promised Land.

He (her son) is just like his father, doesn't listen to a word I say!

I always have believed that we should not call it an Arab-Israeli issue or a Palestinian-Arab dispute or a peace negotiation. I think we should call it what it is: an occupation of Palestine, full stop. This is not a popular position in mixed company.

God’s purpose was not simply to deliver Israel from Pharoah’s yoke. It was to bring them under His yoke.

Hitherto, the Palestinians had been relatively immune to this Allahu Akhbar style. I thought this was a hugely retrograde development. I said as much to Edward. To reprint Nazi propaganda and to make a theocratic claim to Spanish soil was to be a protofascist and a supporter of 'Caliphate' imperialism: it had nothing at all to do with the mistreatment of the Palestinians. Once again, he did not exactly disagree. But he was anxious to emphasize that the Israelis had often encouraged Hamas as a foil against Fatah and the PLO. This I had known since seeing the burning out of leftist Palestinians by Muslim mobs in Gaza as early as 1981. Yet once again, it seemed Edward could only condemn Islamism if it could somehow be blamed on either Israel or the United States or the West, and not as a thing in itself. He sometimes employed the same sort of knight's move when discussing other Arabist movements, excoriating Saddam Hussein's Ba'ath Party, for example, mainly because it had once enjoyed the support of the CIA. But when Saddam was really being attacked, as in the case of his use of chemical weapons on noncombatants at Halabja, Edward gave second-hand currency to the falsified story that it had 'really' been the Iranians who had done it. If that didn't work, well, hadn't the United States sold Saddam the weaponry in the first place? Finally, and always—and this question wasn't automatically discredited by being a change of subject—what about Israel's unwanted and ugly rule over more and more millions of non-Jews? I evolved a test for this mentality, which I applied to more people than Edward. What would, or did, the relevant person say when the United States intervened to stop the massacres and dispossessions in Bosnia-Herzegovina and Kosovo? Here were two majority-Muslim territories and populations being vilely mistreated by Orthodox and Catholic Christians. There was no oil in the region. The state interests of Israel were not involved (indeed, Ariel Sharon publicly opposed the return of the Kosovar refugees to their homes on the grounds that it set an alarming—I want to say 'unsettling'—precedent). The usual national-security 'hawks,' like Henry Kissinger, were also strongly opposed to the mission. One evening at Edward's apartment, with the other guest being the mercurial, courageous Azmi Bishara, then one of the more distinguished Arab members of the Israeli parliament, I was finally able to leave the arguing to someone else. Bishara [...] was quite shocked that Edward would not lend public support to Clinton for finally doing the right thing in the Balkans. Why was he being so stubborn? I had begun by then—belatedly you may say—to guess. Rather like our then-friend Noam Chomsky, Edward in the final instance believed that if the United States was doing something, then that thing could not by definition be a moral or ethical action.

I am a physician, and as a consequence I see things most clearly in medical terms. I am arguing that we need an immunization program, one that injects people with respect, dignity, and equality. One that inoculates them against hatred.

I am frequently asked if I have visited Israel, whereas yet, it is simply assumed that I have. Well, I don’t travel. I really don’t, and if I did, I probably wouldn’t visit Israel. I remember how it was in 1948 when Israel was being established and all my Jewish friends were ecstatic, I was not. I said: what are we doing? We are establishing ourselves in a ghetto, in a small corner of a vast Muslim sea. The Muslims will never forget nor forgive, and Israel, as long as it exists, will be embattled. I was laughed at, but I was right. I can’t help but feel that the Jews didn’t really have the right to appropriate a territory only because 2000 years ago, people they consider their ancestors, were living there. History moves on and you can’t really turn it back. (#92 ff.)

I am not one of those who believes—as Obama is said to believe—that a solution to the Palestinian statehood question would bring an end to Muslim resentment against the United States. (Incidentally, if he really does believe this, his lethargy and impotence in the face of Netanyahu's consistent double-dealing is even more culpable.) The Islamist fanatics have their own agenda, and, as in the case of Hamas and its Iranian backers, they have already demonstrated that nothing but the destruction of Israel and the removal of American influence from the region will possibly satisfy them. No, it is more the case that justice—and a homeland for the Palestinians—is a good and necessary cause in its own right. It is also a special legal and moral responsibility of the United States, which has several times declared a dual-statehood outcome to be its objective.

Ghetto living is more than just a feeling of confinement; it is a sense of suffocation too.

If God's love encompasses the whole world and if everyone who does not believe in him will perish, then surely this question needs to be asked: When, after two thousand years, does God's plan kick in for the billion people he 'so loves' in China? Or for the 840 million in India? Or the millions in Japan, Afghanistan, Siberia, Egypt, Burma ·.. and on and on? Why would a God who 'so loved the world' reveal his message only to a tiny minority of the people on earth, leaving the majority in ignorance? Is it possible to believe that the Father of all Mankind would select as his Chosen People a small Middle Eastern nation, Israel, reveal His will exclusively to them, fight alongside them in their battles to survive, and only after their failure to reach out to any other group, update His plan for the world's salvation by sending His 'only begotten son,' not to the world but, once again, exclusively to Israel?

I am certainly anti-Israel, and I have become anti-Semitic.

If the Palestinian people really wish to decide that they will battle to the very end to prevent partition or annexation of even an inch of their ancestral soil, then I have to concede that that is their right. I even think that a sixty-year rather botched experiment in marginal quasi-statehood is something that the Jewish people could consider abandoning. It represents barely an instant in our drawn-out and arduous history, and it's already been agreed even by the heirs of Ze'ev Jabotinsky that the whole scheme is unrealizable in 'Judaea and Samaria,' let alone in Gaza or Sinai. But it's flat-out intolerable to be solicited to endorse a side-by-side Palestinian homeland and then to discover that there are sinuous two-faced apologists explaining away the suicide-murder of Jewish civilians in Tel Aviv, a city which would be part of a Jewish state or community under any conceivable 'solution.' There's that word again...

I like his optimism,' I said. 'I like the way when he and some other rabbis saw a jackal in the ruins of Jerusalem, and the others began to cry, he laughed and said that just as the prophecy of the destruction of the temple was fulfilled, so the prophecy of the rebuilding would also be fulfilled. I like that.

Look at the snow, the woman was saying to the child. The snow absolves Vienna of its sins. The snow falls on Vienna while the missiles rain on Tel Aviv.

In addition to these physical problems, sexually transmitted diseases are rampant among the homosexual population. 75% of homosexual men carry one or more sexually transmitted diseases, wholly apart from AIDS. These include all sorts of non-viral infections like gonorrhea, syphilis, bacterial infections, and parasites. Also common among homosexuals are viral infections like herpes and hepatitis B (which afflicts 65% of homosexual men), both of which are incurable, as well as hepatitis A and anal warts, which afflict 40% of homosexual men. And I haven’t even included AIDS. Perhaps the most shocking and frightening statistic is that, leaving aside those who die from AIDS, the life expectancy for a homosexual male is about 45 years of age. That compares to a life expectancy of around 70 for men in general. If you include those who die of AIDS, which now infects 30% of homosexual men, the life expectancy drops to 39 years of age. So I think a very good case can be made out on the basis of generally accepted moral principles that homosexual behavior is wrong. It is horribly self-destructive and injurious to another person. Thus, wholly apart from the Bible’s prohibition, there are sound, sensible reasons to regard homosexual activity as wrong.

In Israel, in order to be a realist, you must believe in miracles.

In the end both people realized something so utterly simple and yet horrifyingly distant- by removing the ‘otherness’ from their respective identification, they can embrace a land that animates their historical sense of purpose and direction. They can embrace fate by embracing each other as joint caretakers of a historical location that witnessed rivers of blood and the silent weeping of those who dream of a New Jerusalem.

In the West "yes" is "yes" and "no" is "no." But when Arabs hear the word "no" from an American they often take it as an insult. That is because Arabs don't say the word "no" directly. Very often they say "in Shaalah" when they mean "no." In dealing with Westerners, an Arab may say "yes' when they really don't mean it, and that gets them in a lot of trouble with Westerners.

I regard anti-Semitism as ineradicable and as one element of the toxin with which religion has infected us. Perhaps partly for this reason, I have never been able to see Zionism as a cure for it. American and British and French Jews have told me with perfect sincerity that they are always prepared for the day when 'it happens again' and the Jew-baiters take over. (And I don't pretend not to know what they are talking about: I have actually seen the rabid phenomenon at work in modern and sunny Argentina and am unable to forget it.) So then, they seem to think, they will take refuge in the Law of Return, and in Haifa, or for all I know in Hebron. Never mind for now that if all of world Jewry did settle in Palestine, this would actually necessitate further Israeli expansion, expulsion, and colonization, and that their departure under these apocalyptic conditions would leave the new brownshirts and blackshirts in possession of the French and British and American nuclear arsenals. This is ghetto thinking, hardly even fractionally updated to take into account what has changed. The important but delayed realization will have to come: Israeli Jews are a part of the diaspora, not a group that has escaped from it. Why else does Israel daily beseech the often-flourishing Jews of other lands, urging them to help the most endangered Jews of all: the ones who rule Palestine by force of arms? Why else, having supposedly escaped from the need to rely on Gentile goodwill, has Israel come to depend more and more upon it? On this reckoning, Zionism must constitute one of the greatest potential non sequiturs in human history.

Israel is beautiful. Israel is vibrant. But Israel isn't clean -- far from it. Israel is sin, redemption, passion and blood. ... At its very foundation, Israel is the story of God's interaction with mankind.

Israeli ilifikia kikomo cha kipindi chake kikubwa cha mafanikio tangu enzi za Sulemani. Taifa lilikuwa tajiri. Lilikuwa na nguvu. Lilikuwa na silaha nyingi na nzuri zaidi. Lilikuwa taifa lililojidai kwa uwezo wake mkubwa wa nguvu za kijeshi, hekima, ujasiri, utajiri, na faida za kimkakati. Nani angeweza kushindana na Israeli? Lakini Mungu hunguruma onyo kwamba uwezo wote mkubwa wa asili wa taifa, ujuzi waliojipatia, na sifa bora zaidi havikuweza kulisaidia taifa la Israeli. Watu huona nguvu ya taifa katika utajiri wake, idadi yake ya watu, silaha za kijeshi, teknolojia, na maarifa. Lakini Mungu huangalia haki.

Israel's demonstration of its military prowess in 1967 confirmed its status as a 'strategic asset,' as did its moves to prevent Syrian intervention in Jordan in 1970 in support of the PLO. Under the Nixon doctrine, Israel and Iran were to be 'the guardians of the Gulf,' and after the fall of the Shah, Israel's perceived role was enhanced. Meanwhile, Israel has provided subsidiary services elsewhere, including Latin America, where direct US support for the most murderous regimes has been impeded by Congress. While there has been internal debate and some fluctuation in US policy, much exaggerated in discussion here, it has been generally true that US support for Israel's militarization and expansion reflected the estimate of its power in the region. The effect has been to turn Israel into a militarized state completely dependent on US aid, willing to undertake tasks that few can endure, such as participation in Guatemalan genocide. For Israel, this is a moral disaster and will eventually become a physical disaster as well. For the Palestinians and many others, it has been a catastrophe, as it may sooner or later be for the entire world, with the growing danger of superpower confrontation.

It doesn't matter if justice is on your side. You have to depict your position as just.

I think it was smart that you’re wary of using the word “terrorism,” and if you talk about the cycle of violence, or “an eye for an eye,” you could be perpetuating the idea that the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is a balanced conflict, instead of a largely unarmed people against the fourth most powerful military in the world.

I thought, If only the whole nation of Israel—and the whole world—could understand that Jews and Palestinians can get along when they begin to treat each other with dignity.

Peace without justice is equivalent to institutionalizing injustice.

People always say that in England we lead shallow lives. Our lives must be shallow because we live in a country where nobody believes in anything any more. My whole life, I've been told: 'Western civilization? An old bitch gone in the teeth,' And so people say, go to Israel. Because in Israel at least people are fighting. In Israel, they're fighting for something they believe in.

Religion is the most powerful entity on earth. A phenomenon that has conscripted millions to give or sacrifice their lives without so much as a minuscule query about their chosen beliefs or particular ideology. And today thousands of years on despite the huge advent, discovery and the advance of science forensic or otherwise, millions are still prepared and equipped to fall or kill in the name of their God, their Holy Scriptures, their messengers, their prophets and their faith’.

Religious practice in the Land of the Bible tends to encourage exclusivity and discrimination rather than love and magnanimity. There is no place like the Holy Land to make one cynical about religion.

Sarucha (age 8): "Look, down there, I recognize it, ciudad de Jerusalén (the city of Jerusalem)! Jerusalén!, Jerusalén!" she exclaimed.

Some say that this is the Israelis' original sin. With this I do not agree but I think we can call it Israel's immaculate misconception.

If God speaks universes into existence, I doubt a handful of stones and bones will keep Him out.

It is America (or Israel) at war, not just any war, that disturbs the Left. That is why there have been few demonstrations, and none of any size, against the mass murder of Sudan’s blacks; the genocides in Rwanda, Cambodia, or Congo; China’s crushing of Tibet; or Saddam Hussein’s wars against Iran, Kuwait, and Iraq’s own Kurds. Though there are always admirable individual exceptions, the Left has not been nearly as vocal about these large scale atrocities as it is about America’s wars. One additional reason is that, in general, atrocities committed by non-whites rarely interest the Left—and therefore ‘world opinion,’ which is essentially the same thing as Leftist opinion.

It is not the fault of Ishmael that he was born by a bond woman but it will surely be his fault if he die in the hands of a bond woman.

It’s also worth pointing out that Israel is not solely comprised of Jewish people and is not the defining representation of the global Jewish community. There are many non-Jewish Israelis – about 25% of Israeli citizens are non-Jewish and mostly Muslim with some Christians – and of course there are many non-Israeli Jews, including American Jews for example. However, the above statistics are either underreported or lost in the paranoiac thinking so common to those who assess such disparate subjects as Jewish people, Zionism, Judaism, Israel and the Holocaust as if they are all one and the same and inextricably linked. The all-too-real problem of rising anti-Semitism around the world is unfortunately often a result of anti-Zionist or anti-Israeli beliefs. This phenomenon can usually be traced to the blurring of the lines or general confusion in gentiles and their apparent inability in the main to differentiate between the global Jewish community and the distinctly different and separate nation of Israel.

I want to see a flowering of Arab and Jewish cultures in a country without racism or anti-Semitism, without rich or poor or spat-upon: everyone beneath the vine and fig tree living in peace and unafraid. A homeland for each and every one of us between the mountains and the sea. A multilingual, multireligious, many-colored and -peopled land where the orange tree blooms for all. I will not surrender this vision for any lesser compromise.

I was taken to a villa to meet Sabri al-Banna, known as 'Abu Nidal' ('father of struggle'), who was at the time emerging as one of Yasser Arafat's main enemies. The meeting began inauspiciously when Abu Nidal asked me if I would like to be trained in one of his camps. No thanks, I explained. From this awkward beginning there was a further decline. I was then asked if I knew Said Hammami, the envoy of the PLO in London. I did in fact know him. He was a brave and decent man, who in a series of articles in the London Times had floated the first-ever trial balloon for a two-state solution in Israel/Palestine. 'Well tell him he is a traitor,' barked my host. 'And tell him we have only one way with those who betray us.' The rest of the interview passed as so many Middle Eastern interviews do: too many small cups of coffee served with too much fuss; too many unemployed heavies standing about with nothing to do and nobody to do it with; too much ugly furniture, too many too-bright electric lights; and much too much faux bonhomie. The only political fact I could winnow, from Abu Nidal's vainglorious claims to control X number of 'fighters' in Y number of countries, was that he admired the People's Republic of China for not recognizing the State of Israel. I forget how I got out of his office.

I went to interview some of these early Jewish colonial zealots—written off in those days as mere 'fringe' elements—and found that they called themselves Gush Emunim or—it sounded just as bad in English—'The Bloc of the Faithful.' Why not just say 'Party of God' and have done with it? At least they didn't have the nerve to say that they stole other people's land because their own home in Poland or Belarus had been taken from them. They said they took the land because god had given it to them from time immemorial. In the noisome town of Hebron, where all of life is focused on a supposedly sacred boneyard in a dank local cave, one of the world's less pretty sights is that of supposed yeshivah students toting submachine guns and humbling the Arab inhabitants. When I asked one of these charmers where he got his legal authority to be a squatter, he flung his hand, index finger outstretched, toward the sky.

Long before it was known to me as a place where my ancestry was even remotely involved, the idea of a state for Jews (or a Jewish state; not quite the same thing, as I failed at first to see) had been 'sold' to me as an essentially secular and democratic one. The idea was a haven for the persecuted and the survivors, a democracy in a region where the idea was poorly understood, and a place where—as Philip Roth had put it in a one-handed novel that I read when I was about nineteen—even the traffic cops and soldiers were Jews. This, like the other emphases of that novel, I could grasp. Indeed, my first visit was sponsored by a group in London called the Friends of Israel. They offered to pay my expenses, that is, if on my return I would come and speak to one of their meetings. I still haven't submitted that expenses claim. The misgivings I had were of two types, both of them ineradicable. The first and the simplest was the encounter with everyday injustice: by all means the traffic cops were Jews but so, it turned out, were the colonists and ethnic cleansers and even the torturers. It was Jewish leftist friends who insisted that I go and see towns and villages under occupation, and sit down with Palestinian Arabs who were living under house arrest—if they were lucky—or who were squatting in the ruins of their demolished homes if they were less fortunate. In Ramallah I spent the day with the beguiling Raimonda Tawil, confined to her home for committing no known crime save that of expressing her opinions. (For some reason, what I most remember is a sudden exclamation from her very restrained and respectable husband, a manager of the local bank: 'I would prefer living under a Bedouin muktar to another day of Israeli rule!' He had obviously spent some time thinking about the most revolting possible Arab alternative.) In Jerusalem I visited the Tutungi family, who could produce title deeds going back generations but who were being evicted from their apartment in the old city to make way for an expansion of the Jewish quarter. Jerusalem: that place of blood since remote antiquity. Jerusalem, over which the British and French and Russians had fought a foul war in the Crimea, and in the mid-nineteenth century, on the matter of which Christian Church could command the keys to some 'holy sepulcher.' Jerusalem, where the anti-Semite Balfour had tried to bribe the Jews with the territory of another people in order to seduce them from Bolshevism and continue the diplomacy of the Great War. Jerusalem: that pest-house in whose environs all zealots hope that an even greater and final war can be provoked. It certainly made a warped appeal to my sense of history.