Best 1601 quotes in «revolution quotes» category

Before I only wanted to change the world. I still want that, but it was ironic how I never wanted to change myself. Yet that's where revolutions start! And it's the only way revolutions can continue, if we keep looking inward, looking at how others might see us. That's what happened when I met Sofia. I saw myself the way she saw me.

Before researchers become researchers they should become philosophers. They should consider what the human goal is, what it is that humanity should create.Doctors should first determine at the fundamental level what it is that human beings depend on for life... Modern scientific agriculture, on the other hand, has no such vision. Research wanders about aimlessly, each researcher seeing just one part of the infinite array of natural factors which affect harvest yields. Even though it is the same quarter acre, the farmer must grow his crops differently each year in accordance with variations in weather, insect populations, the condition of the soil, and many other natural factors. Nature is everywhere in perpetual motion; conditions are never exactly the same in any two years. Modern research divides nature into tiny pieces and conducts tests that conform neither with natural law nor with practical experiences. The results are arranged for the convenience of research, not according to the needs of the farmer.

Behind every fascism there is a failed revolution.

Behind every rebellion lies a tyranny.

Be positive at all times! Leave out the negatives.

Be the woman who falls so deeply in love with herself that nothing can stop her from loving all of life!

Between reaction and revolution there is nothing to choose. Neither leave the track, they just allow different people to drive while the same people are run over.

Both political parties have moved to the right during the neoliberal period. Today’s New Democrats are pretty much what used to be called “moderate Republicans.” The “political revolution” that Bernie Sanders called for, rightly, would not have greatly surprised Dwight Eisenhower. The fate of the minimum wage illustrates what has been happening. Through the periods of high and egalitarian growth in the ‘50s and ‘60s, the minimum wage—which sets a floor for other wages—tracked productivity. That ended with the onset of neoliberal doctrine. Since then, the minimum wage has stagnated (in real value). Had it continued as before, it would probably be close to $20 per hour. Today, it is considered a political revolution to raise it to $15.

British democracy was not given by the elite. It was largely taken by the masses.

But an action which wants to serve man ought to be careful not to forget him on the way, if it chooses to fulfill itself blindly, it will lose its meaning or will take on an unforeseen meaning; for the goal is not fixed once & for all; it is defined all along the road which leads up to it.

But I don't shut up and I don't die. I live and fight, maddening those who rule my country. For if I live I fight, and if I fight I contribute to the dawn.

But let us be sure of something. We are not sheep. This government is ours, and it is meant to serve our best interests. And if it has grown into something it shouldn't be, and shucked off the rules of the Constitution it was based on, then it is our responsibility to rein it back in.

But one doesn't wait for a revolution. One becomes it.

But to what end? Some... future revolution? It can never succeed. As Seneca warned Nero: No matter how many of us you kill, you will never kill your successor.

By being uninvolved we almost participate in the most outrageous practices.

By the rude bridge that arched the flood, Their flag to April's breeze unfurled, Here once the embattled farmers stood, And fired the shot heard round the world. The foe long since in silence slept; Alike the conqueror silent sleeps; And Time the ruined bridge has swept Down the dark stream which seaward creeps. On this green bank, by this soft stream, We set to-day a votive stone; That memory may their deed redeem, When, like our sires, our sons are gone. Spirit, that made those heroes dare To die, and leave their children free, Bid Time and Nature gently spare The shaft we raise to them and thee.

Car celui qui tombe pour la liberté Ne meurt pas, ne peut pas mourir !

Ce tout petit changement avait été une révolution.

Ci sono stagni, nel deserto di Sonora. Potresti finirci dritto in mezzo e non saperlo, perché di solito sono asciutti. Non sospetteresti mai l'esistenza di rane addormentate pochi centimetri sotto i tuoi piedi, il battito del cuore rallentato a un paio di pulsazioni al minuto. Dormono e aspettano, quelle rane del fango, perché senz'acqua la loro vita non è completa. Per lunghi mesi dormono sottoterra. Finché arriva la pioggia. E allora centinaia d'occhi sbucano dal fango, centinaia di voci risuonano ogni notte sull'acqua. Fu uno spettacolo meraviglioso assistere al risveglio di noi rane del fango, vivere quel risveglio. Piccoli gesti, parole, empatie credute ormai estinte tornarono in vita. Per anni, le facce estranee incrociate nei corridoi avevano ricevuto solo sguardi corrucciati; ora guardavamo, salutavamo, sorridevamo. Se qualcuno prendeva un bel voto, anche altri gioivano. Se qualcuno si storceva una caviglia, anche altri soffrivano. Scoprimmo quale colore avessero gli occhi degli altri. Fu Stargirl a guidare quella ribellione: una ribellione per invece che contro. Per noi stessi. Per le rane assopite che eravamo stati così a lungo. Ragazzi taciturni prendevano la parola nelle discussioni in classe. La rubrica "Lettere all'Editore" riempì un'intera pagina dell'edizione di dicembre del giornale scolastico. Un ragazzo fondò un'associazione di fotografi dilettanti. Un altro arrivò a scuola coi mocassini invece che con le scarpe da ginnastica. Una ragazza timida e insignificante si dipinse di verde fluorescente le unghie dei piedi. Un ragazzo si tinse i capelli color porpora.

Communities that can't read and translate what the powers are putting out will always be tricked.

Courage is the ability to execute tasks and assignments without fear or intimidation.

Critical pessimists, such as media critics Mark Crispin Miller, Noam Chomsky, and Robert McChesney, focus primarily on the obstacles to achieving a more democratic society. In the process, they often exaggerate the power of big media in order to frighten readers into taking action. I don't disagree with their concern about media concentration, but the way they frame the debate is self-defeating insofar as it disempowers consumers even as it seeks to mobilize them. Far too much media reform rhetoric rests on melodramatic discourse about victimization and vulnerability, seduction and manipulation, "propaganda machines" and "weapons of mass deception". Again and again, this version of the media reform movement has ignored the complexity of the public's relationship to popular culture and sided with those opposed to a more diverse and participatory culture. The politics of critical utopianism is founded on a notion of empowerment; the politics of critical pessimism on a politics of victimization. One focuses on what we are doing with media, and the other on what media is doing to us. As with previous revolutions, the media reform movement is gaining momentum at a time when people are starting to feel more empowered, not when they are at their weakest.

Darks drifts covered the horizon. A strange shadow approaching nearer and nearer, was spreading little by little over men, over things, over ideas; a shadow which came from indignations and from systems. All that had been hurriedly stifled was stirring and fermenting. Sometimes the conscious of the honest man caught its breath, there was so much confusion in that air in which sophisms were mingled with truths. Minds trembled in the social anxiety like leaves at the approach of the storm. The electric tension was so great that at certain moments any chance-comer, thought unknown, flashed out. Then the twilight darkness fell again. At intervals, deep and sullen mutterings enabled men to judge of the amount of lightning in the cloud.

Da sind wir, neue Insekten im verwaisten Ameisenhaufen, mit unseren Taschen voller Pläne und unseren Hoffnungen darauf zu wimmeln.

Death! Death! We will not let you die. The people of the future will sing your name and your monstrosities.

Decide to be rich! Hate poverty strong.

Democracy is a revolution itself, to leading a society with one person's theory is not a revolution but a "terrible force" occupation. The best, effective, peaceful and powerful revolution is a "Vote" in a proper way.

Democratic Socialism devolves into totalitarian Socialism and eventually into full on Communism as people resist statism.

Devrimler, seçkinlere karşı kendiliğinden isyanlardan daha fazlasına ihtiyaç duyar. Devrimler, sadece yöneticinin veya birkaç yasanın değişmesiyle yetinmeyen, ama aşağıdan yukarıya toplumun her yönünü kavrayan yeni bir etik sistem getirmeye çalışan bir toplumsal kesimin varlığını gerektirir.

Devriminiz adına korkuyorum beyefendiciğim; çünkü henüz uçarı olmayı öğrenememişsiniz

Die Revolution wirkte auf mich und meine Altersgenossen gerade umgekehrt wie der Krieg: der Krieg hatte unser wirkliches Leben bis zur Langweiligkeit unverändert gelassen, dafür aber unsere Phantasie reichen und unerschöpflichen Stoff gegeben. Die Revolution brachte viel Neues in die tägliche Wirklichkeit, und das Neue war bunt und aufregend genug, aber sie ließ die Phantasie unbeschädigt.

Diplomats and politicians, blowing with the wind. No substance, no beliefs, no real friendships.

Don't ask me to pray, instead ask me to act.

Don`t descend to the lowest ebb.

Don't just survive while waiting for someone's revolution to clear your head.

Don't listen to anyone but me

Don`t turn around in circles for making circles do not equate making progress.

Don't whine about your poverty and brainless labor. You can read, can't you? Get thee to a library and foment rebellion - in both inner and outer worlds.

Dvě události zasluhují zvláštní zmínky. Předně, že naši katolíci postupovali svorně se svobodomyslnými a se socialisty; kdo zná poměr obou směrů v době dřívější, uzná s radostí jednotící sílu osvobozenského hnutí. Katolíci už rok před tím (18. listopadu) usnesli se v Chicagu na memorandu, které bylo určeno papeži Benediktu XV. ; bylo odevzdáno papežskému delegátovi, který počin 'Národního Svazu Českých Katolíků' schválil a slíbil doručit memorandum papeži. V memorandu žádána samostatnost Čechoslovanů a osvobození národa československého v zemích historických a na Slovensku. Sám jsem se zúčastnil katolického sjezdu ve Washingtoně dne 20. června. Objasnil jsem proti starým výtkám své náboženské stanovisko, zejména, jak a proč jsem se stal příkrým odpůrcem toho katolicismu politického, jaký se p%usobením Habsburků vyvinul v Rakousku a Uhersku. Vyslovil jsem se pro rozluku státu a církve podle vzoru amerického. Právě američní katolíci chápali, že nezávislost církve na státu nijak není církvi na závadu. Slíbil jsem, že se přičiním o rozluku bez boje; pokud by při této rozluce šlo o úpravu církevních statků, odmítl jsem konfiskaci. Když se výkonný výbor Národního Svazu Českých Katolíků v Americe usnesl 25. října 1918 vyslat své zástupce do Československé republiky, aby o podstatě rozluky poučili duchovenstvo i katolický lid, uvítal jsem tento ämysl velmi rád (dopisem z 15. listopadu). Dodávám ještě, že také Sdruženie Slovenských Katolíkov v Amerike doporučilo úpravu poměru církve k státu ve smyslu rozluky americké, ovšem se zřetelem na poměry slovenské (ve Wilkes Barre 27. listopadu).

Each of you must decide where you stand. All we ask is that you refuse to kneel. You are the people. You have the power. Open your eyes. Open your minds. Then close the fingers on your hand.

—Écoutez, Coban, c'est terminé. —C'est commencé...

É impossível justificar os excessos do povo ao pegar em armas... Mas é realmente o povo a quem devemos imputar tudo, ou a seus opressores, que os mantiveram por tanto tempo na escravidão? Aquele que escolhe ser servido por escravos, e por escravos mal-tratados deve saber que preserva tanto sua propriedade quanto sua vida através da dominação, diferentemente de quem prefere os serviços de homens livres e bem tratados; e aquele que ceia ao som de lamentos de dor não deve, num momento de insurreição, reclamar que suas filhas foram violentadas e mortas, nem que cortaram a garganta de seus filhos. Quando tais males ocorrem, certamente são mais imputáveis à tirania dos grandes senhores do que à crueldade dos servos.

Enclosures have appropriately been called a revolution of the rich is against the poor. The lords and nobles were upsetting the social order, breaking down ancient law and custom, sometimes by means of vio¬lence, often by pressure and intimidation. They were literally robbing the poor of their share in the common, tearing down the houses which, by the hitherto unbreakable force of custom, the poor had long regarded as theirs and their heirs'. The fabric of society was being disrupted; desolate villages and the ruins of human dwellings testified to the fierce¬ness with which the revolution raged, endangering the defenses of the country, wasting its towns, decimating its population, turning its over¬burdened soil into dust, harassing its people and turning them from decent husbandmen into a mob of beggars and thieves.

Enjolras caught glimpses of a luminous uprising under the dark skirts of the future.

En Venezuela no solo mueren los sueños, y las esperanzas a diario, también muere la justicia, la verdad, y por supuesto “los venezolanos”. Aquí muere todo, pero al parecer sobrevive la patria.

Estoy más y más convencido de que los verdaderos revolucionarios deben percibir la revolución, debido a su naturaleza creativa y liberadora, como un acto de amor. Para mí, la revolución, que no era posible sin una teoría de la revolución -y, por ende, una ciencia- no es irreconciliable con el amor. Al contrario: la revolución es llevada a cabo por seres humanos, para alcanzar esta humanización. ¿Qué es, en efecto, el motivo más profundo que mueve a los individuos a convertirse en revolucionarios, si no es la deshumanización de la gente? La distorsión impuesta en la palabra "amor" por el mundo capitalista no puede prevenir que la revolución sea esencialmente amante en su carácter, ni puede prevenir que los revolucionarios afirmen su amor por la vida. Guevara (mientras que admitió que había "un riesgo de parecer ridículo") no tenía miedo de afirmarlo. "Déjenme decir, con el riesgo de parecer ridículo, que el verdadero revolucionario está guiado por un fuerte sentimiento de amor. Es imposible pensar una auténtica revolución sin esta cualidad.

Every culture is first and foremost a particular experience of time, and no new culture is possible without an alteration in this experience. The original task of a genuine revolution, therefore, is never merely to 'change the world', but also - and above all - to 'change time'.

Every revolution begins with one voice crying in the wilderness.

Everything is mended by the soil.

Failure to recognize the historical specificity of the bourgeois conception of rights and duties leads to serious errors. It is for this reason that Marx registers...a vigorous indictment of the anarchist Proudhon... Proudhon in effect took the specifics of bourgeois legal and economic relations and treated them as universal and foundational for the development of an alternative, socially just economic system. From Marx's standpoint, this is no alternative at all since it merely re-inscribes bourgeois conceptions of value in a supposedly new form of society. This problem is still with us, not only because of the contemporary anarchist revival of interest in Proudhon's ideas but also because of the rise of a more broad-based liberal human rights politics as a supposed antidote to the social and political ills of contemporary capitalism. Marx's critique of Proudhon is directly applicable to this contemporary politics. The UN Universal Declaration of Human Rights of 1948 is a foundational document for a bourgeois, market-based individualism and as such cannot provide a basis for a thoroughgoing critique of liberal or neoliberal capitalism. Whether it is politically useful to insist that the capitalist political order live up to its own foundational principles is one thing, but to imagine that this politics can lead to a radical displacement of a capitalist mode of production is, in Marx's view, a serious error.